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從明日報、無名小站輾轉到如今,看部落客起高樓,又看他樓塌,而我還在這裡。

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  • 2月 06 週五 202608:00
  • 【引用】明代畫院的成立-3


The Hung-Hsi (洪熙 1424-1424) and Hsüan-te Reigns (1425-1434) 明宣宗像In 1424, when Jen-tsung succeeded to the throne, Kuo Ch'un was offered the new title as tai-chao of the Hsi-hua (西華 "Gate") and the office of Ko-men-shih (閤門史 Audience Attendant) with the prestigious title chieh of the Ch'eng-chih-lang (承直郎 in the official ranking system). The title Ko-men-shih, like his earlier title, Ying-shan-so-ch'eng, was honorary and without the actual duties. However, it is worth noting that this title was a prestigious title reserved for military officers. At this time, Kuo was still registered in the guard unit of Hsing- wu. As for Pien Wen-chin, it is likely that he received his tai-chao of the Wu-ying-tien at this time. Emperor Jen-tsung ruled only one year and left little information concerning the status of other painters. Yet, as seen in the case of Kuo Ch'un, new titles were offered to court painters during this year.
Emperor Hsüan-tsung's strong interest in the arts made his reign a most memorable era in Ming art history. In fact, this author believes that the Ming Painting Academy was formally established in the Hsüan-te era. This is suggested by two early Ming scholars, Ch'iu Chün (邱濬 1418-1495) and Hsü Yu-chen (徐有貞 chin-shih 1433). Here is Ch'iu Chün's inscription on a Lin Liang painting:In front of Jen-chih-tien the Painting Academy was established. It cost thousands of rolls of silk from O-hsi (鵝溪)…Ch'iu did not indicate clearly the date of this event. It is evident, however, that beginning from the Hsüan-te era, almost all the court painters were assigned to the Jen-chih-tien which, as Suzuki Kei pointed out, was the location of the Ming Painting Academy. It is again necessary to stress that the Jen-chih-tien mentioned here was not the same hall discussed earlier in association with the Yung-lo painter, Shang-kuan po-ta. The Jen-chih-tien, where Shang-kuan worked in the Yung-lo era, was in the Peking palace, built by the Yung-lo emperor from 1417 to 1420. Yet this palace lasted only four months and was destroyed by fire in 1421. It was not rebuilt until 1440 in the Cheng-t'ung era. After 1421 the Ming court was moved into the old palace of the Yuan dynasty. Therefore, the Jen-chih-tien mentioned in the Hsüan-te era was the one in the old Yuan palace.
Hsü Yu-chen also wrote on Chang Tzu-chün (張子俊)'s landscape:
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明代 中國美術史 畫院 明代研究

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  • 2月 05 週四 202608:00
  • 【引用】明代畫院的成立-2


The Yung-lo Reign 明成祖像Events of the Yung-lo era played a major role in the formation of the basic structure of the Ming Painting Academy. As might be expected, the better educated Yung-lo emperor showed more interest in painting than his father. His taste in painting was not limited to portraits and wall decorations as was that of the Hung-wu emperor, but extended to such themes as flower and bird, animals, and landscapes. It was recorded that he once viewed the imperial painting collection with T'eng Yung-heng (滕用亨) and some other scholar painters at court. He even showed a special interest in the landscape style of Kuo Ch'un (郭純). As a result, painters in the Yung-lo court increased in both number and specialty.
Some of the Yung-lo painters were summoned to the court for a limited amount of time for specific imperial commissions. These painters include: Ch'en Wei (陳撝), Chang Tzu-ming (張子明), Hsieh Hsiu (解琇), Kung Yung (鞏庸), Wang Shun (王順), Hu Liang (胡良), and Shang-kuan po-ta (上官伯達). Most of them did not receive any official titles, although in some cases this is unclear due to the lack of information. All these painters were summoned to paint decorations for the palaces and temples. For example, Wang Shun and Hu Liang were summoned to paint decorations for the imperial ancestral temple (t'ai-miao 太廟). Hsieh Hsiu was selected by the emperor to paint the walls of the Pao-en Temple (報恩寺) in Nanking. Shang-kuan po-ta was summoned to paint the new palace in Peking. Ch'en Wei was called to paint an imperial portrait for the Yung-lo emperor. Like the Hung-wu artists, they were not considered as official employees of the court. Little information is available regarding these painters's dates or activities. Their paintings were seldom recognized for individuality.
A new development occurred when the Jen-chih-tien was first designated for court painters in the Yung-lo era. Evidence of this is found in the biography of Shang-kuan po-ta in SHAO-WU-FU-CHIH(邵武府志) which mentions that Shang-kuan was summoned to the court during the Yung-lo era when the new palace in Peking was completed. He was assigned to work in the Jen-chih-tien where he painted the famous work Pai-niao ch'ao-feng (百鳥朝鳳 Hundreds of Birds Worshipping the Phoenix). The emperor was pleased and offered him an official title but Shang-kuan declined the offer because of his advanced age. It should be noted that the Jen-chih-tien mentioned here was not the Jen-chih-tien in Nanking but rather the one in the new palace of Peking completed at the end of 1420. The designation of this new hall for the use of court painters is significant because, as will be discussed later, the Jen-chih-tien of the Hsüan-te era was to become the location for the painting academy.
Other than these briefly employed painters, there was a group of officially assigned court painters. The include: landscape painters, Kuo Ch'un and Hsieh Huan (謝環); flower-and-bird painters, Pien Wen-chin, Fan Hsien (范暹, and Fang Ch'ang-ling 方昌齡; tiger painter, Chao Lien 趙廉; Buddhist and Taoist figure painter, Chiang Tzu-ch'eng 蔣子成; and horse painter, Han Hsiu-shih 韓秀實. The improved cultural milieu reflected by this group of Yung-lo painters was not incidental. It was the result of the Yung-lo emperor's first attempt to establish a painting academy. According to Huang Huai (黃淮 1367-1449), the emperor intended to restore the painting academy from the very beginning of his reign. Even though the attempt was not fully implemented, some very important progress was made. Information concerning this event is provided by Huang Huai, the Yung-lo grand secretary of Wu- ying Hall. According to Huang:
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明代 中國美術史 畫院 明代研究

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  • 2月 04 週三 202608:00
  • 【引用】明代畫院的成立-1


The Formation of the Ming Painting AcademyMing Studies, spring 1990Hou-mei Sung
Questions concerning the Ming Painting Academy, its birth, and subsequent growth, have long troubled researchers. Vanderstappen was the first to study this issue in 1956. He concluded that there was no painting academy in the Ming court until the seventeenth century. This conclusion stems in part from his search for a "painting academy" based on the Sung definition. Indeed, the Ming Painting Academy had neither the same organization nor the testing and grading system of the Sung dynasty, especially when compared with the prosperous Academy of Hui-tsung (徽宗) 's reign. Yet Vanderstappen did not distinguish the scholar painters, such as Wang Fu (王紱) and Hsia Ch'ang (夏昶), from the court painters, such as Pien Wen-chin (邊文進), Hsieh Huan (謝環), and Kuo Ch'un (郭純). Both groups were considered as court painters. In fact, the two groups of painters had completely different qualifications and duties. The titles received by men of these two groups were also of quite a different nature, as discussed in another article. Suzuki Kei further clarified some aspects of this issue by confirming the existence of the Ming Painting Academy in the Jen-chih-tien (仁智殿 Hall of Benevolence and Wisdom) sometime after the Hsuan-te (宣德) era. He also pointed out the significant roles of the Wen-ssu-yuan (文思院 Crafts Institute) and Yü-yung-chien (武英殿 Directorate for Imperial Accouterments) in the Ming Painting Academy. Acknowledging a great debt to these scholars, this author would like to continue the discussion of the formation of the Ming Painting Academy by focusing on the early Ming period from the Hung-wu (洪武 1368-1398) to the Hsuan-te (1425-1434) era.
This author believes that the evolution of the Ming Painting Academy was closely tied to the major political and institutional changes of the early Ming period: Especially important are the reorganization of the central government in the Hung-wu and Yung-lo (永樂 1403-1424) eras, and the shift of political power from the Grand Secretaries to the eunuchs from the Yung-lo to the Hsuan-te eras. The Ming Painting Academy was not established until the Hsüan-te era. Yet its basic structure can be traced to the Yung-lo era through the two major agencies where most court painters served; they are the Ying-shan-so (營繕所 Work Project Office) and the Wen-ssu-yüan. Both are related to Sung or Yuan institutions for artisan painters. The Ming Painting Academy's close affiliation with the artisan institutions controlled by eunuchs clearly lowered the court painters' status and eventually led to their alienation from the scholar painters. The Hung-wu Reign
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  • 2月 02 週一 202608:00
  • 【引用】Myanmar : Forging a Nation

Sylvia Fraser-Lu and Donald M. Stadtner
Myanmar is one of the most ethnically diverse countries on earth. Today the nation is home to 135 officially recognized ethnic groups, each with its own distinctive way of life, language, and adherence to a variety of beliefs including Buddhism, Islam, Christianity, Hinduism, and animism. Our decision to present an exhibition with a focus on Myanmar's Buddhist art stemmed from its long and continuous presence in the country. Even to this day nearly ninety percent of the population are devout followers of the Theravada Buddhist faith. Adherents include the Bamar ethnic majority, the Shan, Rakhine, and Mon, who collectively comprise around eighty-five percent of the present-day population. This catalogue and exhibition provide a starting point from which to begin a deeper appreciation of Myanmar's unique Buddhist culture and to stimulate further exploration of the country's rich and extraordinary diversity.
In June 1795, a freshly captured white elephant was sent upriver to Pagan, the ancient capital since the beginning of the second millennium. Descending on the Irrawaddy River was King Bodawpaya (r.1782-1819), who took possession of the elephant amid great pageantry on June 23. Indeed, an albino elephant in the royal stable was an indispensable symbol of kingship in Buddhist Southeast Asia. Nearly a thousand years earlier, another white elephant had participated in the consecration of a king's palace at Pagan, or Bagan. Today, white elephants on public view in Yangon and the new capital, Naypyidaw, are tethered not by kings but by the Myanmar government. However, such symbolism, extending over a millennium, is a reminder that the past inescapably envelops the present in Myanmar and that the secular and Buddhist worlds blend effortlessly. A BRIEF HISTORY The Myanmar-speaking people of today are descendants of those who came down onto the plains of Upper Myanmar toward the close of the first millennium CE, probably from Yunnan, China. The Myanmar were therefore originally out- siders to the region in much the same way that the Thai immigrated to Thailand by the thirteenth century from southern China. These newcomers, in both Myanmar and Thailand, gained ascendancy over earlier inhabitants whose diverse regional and ethnic traditions were forged together over centuries into a modern nation. This is not to say that Myanmar was born from a single cloth. The country is in fact more like a quilt, patched together in comparatively recent times from pieces still retaining much of their original character. To appreciate the interaction of diverse peoples one has only to think of the European settlement of the New World.
Myanmar participated in the remarkable rise of civilization that swept the entire mainland of Southeast Asia in the first millennium, seeded by influences mainly from India. Within the country's present-day borders, three major regional centers emerged at approximately the same time, each flourishing after the middle of the first millennium. All three regions put up huge brick-walled cities, and each minted distinct coin series, underscoring the independent nature of these polities.
Of these three regional groups, the Pyu people, who inhabited Upper Myanmar from the middle to nearly the end of the first millennium, have left the most artifacts and so have furnished the majority of the earliest objects included in this exhibition and its catalogue. Lower Myanmar was in the hands of the Mon throughout the first millennium, and its remains are far fewer but of equal quality. Western Myanmar, or Rakhine state, enjoyed no less rich history. Northeastern Myanmar has never been properly investigated, but by the fourteenth century Shan speakers descended into this region from Yunnan. The vast hill tracts surrounding Myanmar's modern borders have probably been inhabited by numerous smaller ethnic groups since the first millennium, as they are today.
Buddhism and Hinduism arrived in Myanmar from India in the first millennium, together with various Indian scripts that were soon adapted for the indigenous Pyu and Mon languages. These influences most probably were transmitted not through conquest or colonization but by Indian traders and priests; Sri Lanka also likely played a role, as a fountainhead of Theravada Buddhism. Each of the regions of Myanmar, however, developed a distinctive flavor of Buddhism.
The Pyu were largely eclipsed toward the close of the first millennium, if not earlier, but reasons for their decline are uncertain. The Mon continued to flourish in Lower Myanmar, and their culture contributed to the formation of Pagan, whose roots took hold by the eleventh century. Pagan has been called the country's first capital, since Myanmar-speaking people controlled much of what encompasses the country today; Pagan's "classic age" spanned the eleventh, twelfth, and thirteenth centuries. Although Rakhine was never subject to Pagan's political orbit, it experienced no less of an awakening by the middle of the second millennium.
Pagan was replaced as the capital in the fourteenth century by Ava, or Inwa, near modern Mandalay. The Mon continued to rule in Lower Myanmar, with their center in Pegu, or Bago, but by the sixteenth century the Mon succumbed to Myanmar forces from the north. In Rakhine a separate dynasty arose in the fifteenth century, with Mrauk-U as its capital. Shan speakers inhabited northeastern Myanmar and formed numerous small kingdoms, most of which became subject to Myanmar control over the centuries.
A collective sense of Myanmar, as we know it now, took many centuries to build, beginning in earnest in the Konbaung Period (1752-1885) and accelerating greatly in the English colonial period, which was marked by three wars in the course of the nineteenth century. However, it was not until the fall of Mandalay in 1885 that the entire country fell to British rule, and it was annexed in the following year. During the colonial era, Chinese and Indian immigration was encouraged, and these communities now form significant minorities, especially in urban populations. The Indians were largely Hindus, Muslims, and Christians. Religious, regional, and ethnic conflicts have continued to come to the fore since independence in 1948, but conflicts are now framed within the context of a modern state.
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Myanmar buddhist art Southeast Asia

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  • 10月 25 週六 202508:00
  • 【引用】殖民地時期韓國「朝鮮地方色彩」美術:其論述與象徵-3

四、殖民地文化政策裏的「朝鮮地方色彩」機能
金炫淑於韓國近代西畫的東洋主義研究中,注意到1930年代後半起鮮展特選級畫家作品,偏向於鄉土素材裏添加東洋風雅情趣。描繪自然風景的鮮展入選作品,經常描繪朝鮮的名勝古跡。加藤儉吉「朝鮮名勝四題」(1937)、「金剛山三題」(1939)、鄭汝「伽揶山海印寺」(1939)等,皆描繪深山名剎融入山水風景。以落後簡陋地方的殖民地象徵而言,似乎相互矛盾。但在此所描繪的美麗景色或寺廟皆受管轄,能夠讓人暢意欣賞,並得以做為分析對象的異文化風情。在殖民韓國36年之間,朝鮮總督府為政策目的,委託日本各專門領域學者,針對朝鮮收集資料或進行研究調查。其中亦包含了大量美術史相關研究。自日韓合併前,日本展開始了調查韓國古跡工作,挖掘全國遺跡與古墳,收集了美術古物。日韓合併後,美術古物學者關野真等人,用全國土地調查時製成的地圖,進行歷時4年的古蹟調查工作。調查成果會介紹於當時考古學雜誌,並收錄於1915年至1938年發行的《朝鮮古蹟圖譜》15冊全集。其他如東京帝國大學黑坂美調查了古代遺跡遺物,鳥居龍藏則由人類學觀點研究了朝鮮人種與民族特徵,以及調查了遺留於朝鮮半島的石器時代遺跡。上述皆為統治者對殖民國文化藝術所進行的研究。因此我們似有必要一併思考在追求學問知識的喜悅中,有可能潛藏有管轄政策這項政治意圖,以及對於藝術物品的慾求。
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  • 10月 24 週五 202508:00
  • 【引用】殖民地時期韓國「朝鮮地方色彩」美術:其論述與象徵-2

三、「朝鮮地方色彩」的繪畫─鄉土人情與自然
鮮展入選作品得見於朝鮮寫真通信社發行的圖錄黑白圖版。全篇日文圖錄含序言、作品名、作家姓名、圖版及章程,翻閱時得見幾項朝鮮色彩的主題。如背負小孩的婦女或少女。朝鮮獨立後在混亂中鮮展入選作品等近代時期的美術作品大半流失,今日得見原作品者微乎其微。
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  • 10月 23 週四 202508:00
  • 【引用】殖民地時期韓國「朝鮮地方色彩」美術:其論述與象徵-1

《日治時期台灣美術的「地域色彩」展論文集》,台中:國立台灣美術館,2007
 
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  • 10月 18 週六 202508:00
  • 【引用】琳瑯貞珉、鏤鐫書史─略談洛陽出土唐代墓誌對唐代書史的貢獻-4

15崔茂宗墓誌.jpg
四、洛陽出土唐誌其它書家對唐代書史的貢獻 
洛陽,乃大唐帝國的東西兩京之一,作為唐代的東京,「前抱伊闕,後據邙山,右瀍左澗,洛水貫其中」,規模雄偉,殿閣林立,是我國政治,經濟,文化,交通的中心,也是世界範圍內第一流的大都市。正是在這富麗堂皇的洛陽皇宮以及周長兩萬七千餘米氣勢恢弘的洛陽城坊,生活著一大批皇親國戚,朝廷勳臣,達官顯貴,文豪書家。他們生在這樣的人間天堂,死後當然也企望有一個極好的埋葬場所,「生在蘇杭,葬在北邙」自然成為他們夢寐以求的天國歸宿之地。正因如此,才能在他的地下蘊藏有那麼深厚的歷史文化積澱。僅以洛陽出土墓誌為例,據上世紀的統計,當全國的墓誌總量為一萬兩千餘方的時候,洛陽已達到了六千方,約占中國的半壁河山。而在這大宗的出土墓誌中,唐代又約占百分之八十。此即說,洛陽出土的唐代墓誌約在四千五百方之上,也正因洛陽出土了如此多的唐代墓誌,故而,洛陽的唐代墓誌書家才能一時紛然於天下,這些墓誌書家以其超人的睿智與審美所書的正、草、隸、篆書法各體,異彩紛呈,奪人眼目,洵可補益唐代書史。
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  • 10月 17 週五 202508:00
  • 【引用】琳瑯貞珉、鏤鐫書史─略談洛陽出土唐代墓誌對唐代書史的貢獻-3

11唐故太子少詹氏張公墓誌.jpg
三、從洛陽出土唐代東海徐氏墓誌,看東海徐氏書家書法風格之傳承
上文從洛陽出土東海徐氏書家之墓誌,聊述了以徐師道為首東海徐氏書家之世系。今者再從洛陽新出土有關東海徐氏書家之墓誌,管窺其書法風格之傳承。 
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  • 10月 16 週四 202508:00
  • 【引用】琳瑯貞珉、鏤鐫書史─略談洛陽出土唐代墓誌對唐代書史的貢獻-2

07徐浚墓誌.jpg
二、洛陽出土唐代墓誌對研究東海徐氏書家世系的作用
在唐代書史中,以徐浩之祖徐師道為首的東海徐氏書家,是一個播譽五世,橫跨初、盛、中唐三大時期有近二十人之多的龐大書法群體。然後世史籍因史料缺乏對其世系或載之不詳,或以訛傳訛,或僅存其名,不知其祖籍世系,誠不能載于史而詳於今人矣。今洛陽地不愛寶,出土東海徐氏書家一族貞石眾多,不僅書法精善,且論其世系甚詳,既能補史、正史,又可補益唐代書史,今略述於後。
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  • 【引用】美術史實不容歪曲─對倪再沁先生「台灣美術事記及批判文」的我見
  • 【引用】明代畫院的成立-3
  • 【引用】明代畫院的成立-2
  • 【引用】明代畫院的成立-1
  • 【引用】木麻黃與藝伎
  • 【引用】Myanmar : Forging a Nation
  • 【引用】婉英姐二三事
  • 【引用】台灣文化與本土文化所引出的片段思考
  • 【遊記】2026九州─阿蘇神社
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