Ahura

邊文進の作品邱濬（永樂十八年〈一四二〇〉~弘治八年〈一四九五〉）（『綜表』）の『瓊臺詩文會稿重編』卷二（天啓刊本）には「題林以善畫迭王琚」と題する七言排律があり、その中で邱濬は言う「近代翎毛、誰か最も工なる、邊家の父子獨歩を誇る、羊城の林氏晩く出ると雖も、筆勢飄飄として天趣有り（略）」。これは林良を稱賛した詩の一節であるが、近代──邱濬にとっての近代、おそらく明初──において最も翎毛の巧者として邊文進、邊楚芳が獨歩していたことを物語っている。
邊文進が永樂畫院に入ったことを暗示するただ一つの資料になり得る作品は臺北國立故宮博物院の 《三友百禽圖》軸である。「永樂癸巳（十一年〈一四一三〉）秋七月、隴西の邊景昭、三友百禽圖を長安官舍に寫す」の款記がそれを示している。しかしその樣な資料的價値のほか、作品その物は充分な出来栄えとはいいえない。畫面一杯に散らされた 禽鳥の描寫は一種のステレオタイプによっており、躍動感も生氣もなく、畫面に騷がしさのみを與えている。三友を足進成了死面的降物 形成する竹の描寫は鉤勒線も頼りなく、梅樹は表現をなしていない。北宋以来の傳統にしたがって外面的な形態のみを寫した物ということが出来る。 竹葉と松の葉には元代の傳統が看取されるものの、禽鳥と同じく生動の趣に乏しく、僅かに岩の描寫のみに浙派形成期の畫家の苦心が認められる。簡潔な皺法とオドオドした筆使いにそれは現われている。
橋本家の〈栢鷹圖〉の機知的畫面構成と描線の美しさ、寫生的要素と適度の装飾性の結合狀態は寧ろ三友百禽圖に 優るということが出来る。この事は作品成立の時期の問題であるかもしれない。三友百禽圖が比較的若年の制作であり、後者が宣德期になってからの作品という推測も成りたつであろう。〈鳩圖〉（泉屋博古館）についてもこの種の議論は成立つと思われる。そしてこの繪と傳李安忠筆鶉圖との構圖、筆法の近似點は注目しても良いのではないか。この圖には鶉圖ほどの沒骨使用法の卓抜さはないが。花樹──枸杞か？──の描法の近似、邊文進が求めた物が南宋であったのか、明の花鳥畫の一體に影響された物なのか分からないが、花樹の下と、左端には浙派らしい黒ぐろとした突起が有り、右端には沒骨の土坡が二個左方に突き出ている。この土坡は日本に現存する南宋畫という物に屢々見られるものであり、日本現存南宋畫の鑑識に重要な手がかりを與えてくれる。そして邊文進が求めた物が究極に於て南宋院體であったことをも知らせてくれる。邊文進と浙派の關係、或いは浙と閩との關係については邵經邦の『弘藝錄』卷十九の「明處士樸菴張公孺人劉氏合葬墓碣銘」に「浙と閩とは圻、相い屬き、物、相埒しく、山川、相比ぶ。故に人、恆に限りを為らず（略）」。このように浙江と幅建は地理的にも文化的にも或いは人間關係においても密接な ものがあった。従って浙江の繪畫は時間的に餘り餘裕を置かないで相互に傳播するのが普通であったと思われる。
藪本家の〈雙鶴圖〉は南宋花鳥畫の直模とも思われるが、土坡の描法には浙派と共通するもの──宣德期の──が見られるが、鶴は唐朝、北宋以来の形式に従っており寫生家──張寧（景泰五年の進士）が『方洲集』で言う寫生邊姓としての邊文進の實力の現われた作品と言うことが出来る。而も明代花鳥畫の特色である自然景觀のなかの花鳥を自然もろとも寫すことに彼の畫風の大きな特色を示すものでもある。
邊文進畫蹟を概觀すると、一般的に「武英殿待詔」の款記をもつ作品のほうが優れており、その點、日本に傳存する作品には畫家の身分、地位を示す肩書の見える物はない。隴西と言うのは邊文進の本貫をしめしたもので、大した意味を持つものとはいえない。彼は福建、沙縣の出身であり、後の閩習と呼ばれたような地方畫風を繼承していたと 思われる。
既述したように、『明實錄』の始めての畫家に就いての記述は邊文進が賄賂を受けて不適當な二人の人物を推薦したと言うものである。當然、罪せられるのを、七十餘という高齢であったため許されている。
邊文進の作品と言われるものは非常に多い。乾隆の『延平府志』によれば鄧文明、羅績、劉琦、盧朝陽等は工巧の處は景昭に似るといわれ、文進の子、楚芳、善のほか同邑の邊孟屯は山水人物を善くしたというが、これまた邊文進の一族であるかもしれない。邊文進の後世に残した影響は大きく、それが邊文進の偽物を横行させた主な原因でもあろう。『延平府志』はまた「婿の兪存勝が粉墨の法門を得て、遂に沙陽畫家の宗祖と為った」という。地方志、雜書、別集類を検索すれば膨大な福建畫家の傳歴を知ることが出来るが、その中のかなりの部分に邊文進の影響を讀取ることが出来る。尹臺（嘉靖十四年〈一五三五〉進士）の『洞麓堂集』（文淵閣四庫全書收）には邊文進の花鳥畫をうたった七古が有り、その中で邊畫に贋物の多いことを述べている。「（略）茲の幅　抹染　先後同じく、側に邊の名を記するも、筆縦異なる。論畫豈に必ずしも真贋を窮めんや、爾の為に墨を灑ぎ愁春工みなり。」
拙稿「明代畫院制について」（『美術史』第六〇號、昭和四十一年〈一九六六〉三月）において既に概説したが、今新たに加える物は多くはない。Vanderstappen君の前揭論文の批判から始めた拙稿は當然、明代頻出する中書舍人の問題から論じている。欽定『歴代職官表』（光緒二十二年廣雅書局校刊本影印）卷四、內閣下は梁清遠（順治の進士）の『雕邱雜錄』を引き、次のように言う、

鈴木敬，《中国繪畫史 下》，東京：吉川弘文館，1995
官の職業畫家に就いては「明初畫壇の一般的傾向」でふれ、明確に畫院畫家あるいは職業畫家の作品といわれるも のの存在に對しても否定的であることを記した。また恐らく日本及び中國の繪畫調査が進む過程で發見されることが 有るかもしれないと言う希望的考察をもしている。ことに日本の調査の進展は意外な結果を齎すかもしれない。
たとえば『明通鑑』卷十にはつぎのような記事が見える。「二月、丁酉、國子祭酒、文淵閣大學士宋訥卒す。宋訥嘗て病む、上、其の壽骨有りて、憂い無きを以て、己に畫工をして訥をせしめ、其の像を圖がしむるに、危坐、怒色有り。上、以て訥に問う、訥驚き對えて曰く「諸生の趨路者茶器を砕く者有り、臣、教を失せるを愧じ、故に自ら 訟う耳。陛下何によってか之をしれる。上、圖を出す、訥頓首して謝す」。洪武二十三年（一三九〇）二月丁酉は宮廷畫院の草創期であった。宮廷畫家の必要は有ったにせよ、未だ官制化されてはいなかったのではないか。永樂期の畫家達永樂期になると事情は大分違ってくる。款記の上でも文獻の點でも畫院の存在は明らかになっている。ただ後世のように畫家の身分がはっきりしていない部分が多少、存在する。「直仁智殿」とか「仁智殿待詔」といった後世普遍 化する職能も成立してはいない。花鳥畫の名手、邊文進は「官武英殿」で有ったし、翎毛を得意とした殷善の官は武官では有るものの錦衣衛の官ではなく「府軍衛千戶」（『英宗實錄』）であり、山水、人物、釋道を善くした上官伯達は「直仁智殿」であった（『福縣通史』卷六十一、技術）（文淵閣四庫全書收）。武英、仁知の雨殿と宮廷畫家の關係に就いては拙考「明の畫院制について」（『美術史』第六〇號所載）において少しく想像を交えて論じているが、本書に於ても項を改めて記したいと思う。永樂期を代表する畫家を擧げれば、邊文進、子供の邊楚芳、楚善。吳士英、夏昶（『妮古錄』）である。

「桃園國際版畫展」原定在去年2021年5月舉辦，因三級疫情升溫而延宕至今年（2022）於桃園展演中心再次盛大舉辦，去年遭遇的疫情挑戰雖有趨緩，2022年仍處於後疫情的時代氛圍中，今年的桃園國際版畫展即以「版繹時代Print Out Times」為題，呈現跨媒材與版印形式的擴展，展現版畫藝術的多元面貌。本次桃園國際版畫展邀請美國、加拿大、俄羅斯、澳洲、孟加拉、日本、韓國、泰國、馬來西亞、印度…等共13國優秀的版畫創作作品，以及國內不同世代的版畫創作者，透過國際版畫展的交流，重新取樣檢視我們如何看待當下的時空意義，如何以版畫創作來回應、重新衍繹目前充滿各種詭譎多變的疫情樣貌及處境。「版繹時代─2022桃園國際版畫展」由桃園文化局主辦，中華民國版畫學會承辦與執行，透過展覽、相關講座與版畫工作坊，讓參加民眾深入淺出了解版畫藝術，親身體驗版印的樂趣並應用於生活中。(文字來源)

2023年，在經過漫長的修復後，台中州廳短暫的開放給一般民眾參觀。這件古典復興風格的華麗建築，曾經有望成為暨國美館之後第二間中央層級的美術館，原本要是順天堂藏品的收藏地。無奈盧秀燕當選後，就片面取消了。但取消後台中州廳依舊繼續呈現封閉沒有開放的狀態，一般人也不知道裡面的狀況如何。2023年大概是第一次修復後的首度開放，之後又回到封閉的狀態。州廳開放時裡面有放一些藝術作品跟展示，姑且算是某種「交代」，可惜這種交代意義不大，因為台中市政府仍舊沒有鬆口用途，如果州廳仍舊只是給公務辦公使用，其實意義不大。台中州廳跟台南州廳（也就是現在的國立台灣文學館）相比，內部空間毫不遜色，甚至華麗過之。可惜台中市政府不思進取，只想便宜行事，放任已經修復的古蹟不好好利用，只是這樣應付敷衍了事。

Bian apparently chose the Song theme of depicting the eagle with its prey, yet the captured bird occupied a much less significant role than those in the Song works. At the same time, the enlarged eagle clearly possessed the same symbolic qualities of the eagles of the Yuan dynasty. The eyes of the eagle are no longer keenly focused on its prey, like those in the Song works but are looking triumphantly and calmly at the world below. The effective use of the few carefully selected landscape elements once more demonstrate Bian's unique decorative sense.Bian's innovative approach and his breakthrough from the past tradition seem best represented in some of his small scale sketches. In Li-xi tu (Chestnut and Magpie), Bian depicts a magpie on top of a chestnut stem. The bird, standing straight with its beak slightly open, appears to be chirping happily. It indeed evokes the Chinese image of xi-que (magpie), the bird that brings the good news, which in this case is the chestnut harvest. The work carries Bian's signature, which appears convincing when compared with those on his San-you bai-qin and Bo-ying tu. The magpie, drawn in Bian's typical fine brushwork, displays the same vitality as those in his 1413 work. Also comparable are the brush strokes for the husk of the chestnut and those for the pine needles of the 1413 work. Yet the unique design and the playful manner with which Bian portrayed the curled rims of the chestnut leaves, which are covered with occasional shading and wavy veins, indicate his awareness of his own role in transforming absorbed traditions into a personal style.Bian's effort to create new expressions from traditional themes and techniques is also shown in his Qiu-tang ji-ling (Wagtails in an Autumn Pond), a small album leaf in the Shanghai Museum depicting two wagtails playing in a lotus pond. The lotus and feed indicate the seasonal colours of autumn. According to Bian's own inscription, it was painted for his colleague Xin-zhong: as mentioned earlier, a pair of wagtails symbolize brotherly love, a theme frequently depicted by Bian for his friends. Here the wagtail on the right, turning around and looking at his companion, indeed shows a feeling of deep concern. Although the birds are still drawn in the meticulous manner of his early works, the lotus leaf on the lower right corner, its texture defined by the “nail-head” lines and transparent colour and ink washes, shows a playfulness in the rhythmic movement of the lines and dabs which is clearly an individual expression by Bian. Once more, we find his interest in portraying the broken leaves and the decorative placement of his motifs; yet the most outstanding aspect here is Bian's conscious play of the ink washes and the “boneless” technique as seen in the depiction of the lotus leaf, the lily pads and the reed. This aspect, which appeared only in his later works, is often ignored in discussions of Bian's style.Further evidence of Bian's fascination with the boneless technique and “ink play” is provided by Han-mei shui-que (Sleeping Bird on a Prunus Branch), a small album leaf in the Cleveland Museum of Art. The faded yet convincing signature of Bian on the upper left provides us with an important clue to the date of the work. Bian signed himself here as a Wu-ying-dian dai-zhao. As discussed earlier, this is the last official title Bian held, and it was very likely offered to him at the beginning of the Xuan-de era. Therefore the Cleveland album leaf can be placed at the very late stage of Bian's career and life. Unlike the album painting of wagtails, the boneless method is now no longer limited to land- scape elements. The small sparrow, resting on a bare branch of prunus tree, is painted completely in monochrome ink with the boneless technique. The simplicity of vision and the high quality of the ink washes may remind us of similar techniques used by Mu Xi. Yet, Bian's approach here is actually quite different from the spontaneous brushwork of Mu Xi. Bian's abbreviated style in the boneless method is achieved through long discipline in the traditions of Huang Quan, Zhao Chang and the others. By replacing colours with ink, Bian did not discard this discipline, rather, he carried it to a more intensive level. As with all Bian's masterpieces, one is drawn into the intimate world of the bird and invited to share its tranquil state on a wintry night. The subtle shades and smooth textures of the bird's features, the softness of its belly, were all achieved by various brush strokes and intricate ink washes without any outlines. The claws are represented only by a simple hook stroke, which yet convincingly provides the illusion of the tactile quality of the rest of its body. The prunus branch, painted in the same boneless method, shows freer and swifter movements of the brush. This small painting demonstrated that Bian had finally achieved his ultimate goal of not only forming a unique style of his own, but of offering new ways of portraying the flower-and-bird subject by mastering techniques and themes of past traditions and by transcending them through his own brush and ink. Considering what Bian had achieved, it is then easy to see how the following generations of painters of this subject, Lin Liang, Lu Ji, Yin Hong, Wang Qian and many others, followed his lead and continued to develop the various themes and approaches he first employed.Bian's historical significance lies in his success in bringing the revived Song flower-and-bird tradition from the Min-Zhe region to the early Ming court and developing it further into the new decorative trend. His career and his painting both reflected the unique political and artistic background of the transition of the late 14th century. As a major figure of the first generation of the Ming court painters, Bian's early service in the Wen-si-yuan, the patronage he received from the Grand Secretaries, and the termination of his career, provide us with further information of the status and activities of the early Ming court painters. Although Bian's career span preceded the formal establishment of the Ming Painting Academy, his accomplishment in flower-and-bird painting had the most enduring influence on Academician painters of this subject throughout the Ming era. Furthermore, the influence of Bian's decorative style had reached beyond China and extended to the Japanese flower-and-bird painters of the 16th century, as the flower-and-bird screens by Sesshu and many of the Kano school masters aptly demonstrate.

A third painting attributed to Bian that shares the same theme with the 1413 work is in the Cleveland Museum of Art. This work, also entitled San-you bai-qin, was painted on a wider hanging scroll. As in the Palace Museum work, the painting begins with a more concentrated left half and counterbalances it with the centralized rock and skilfully placed magpies. The plumage and plants are depicted in a similar manner as that of the Palace Museum work. However, on closer examination, the two paintings reveal quite different qualities in brushwork. Comparing the two, one finds that all the trees and rocks in the Palace Museum San-you are painted with tighter structures and steadier outlines than those in the Cleveland work. The spontaneous movement and descriptive values seen in the Palace Museum work have been reduced to schematic patterns, as seen in the textures of the rocks and tree trunks A sharper contrast is found in the way the birds are treated. While the birds in the Palace Museum work are full of lively expression and movement, the Cleveland birds appear heavy, awk- ward and somewhat lifeless. Furthermore, the colouring techniques of the two paintings are also different. The Palace Museum work uses soft tones applied in a subtle and varied manner, while the Cleveland work has richer tones and harsher application. In addition to these stylistic discrepancies is the unfamiliarity of the three seals of Bian on the Cleveland work, none of which are comparable to those on his established works. All this suggests that the Cleveland work was most likely painted by a follower of Bian.In connection with the same theme and style of Bian discussed above is the hanging scroll, Si-xi tu (Four Magpies) in the Palace Museum in Taipei. Although it has been attributed to Zhao Chang, this work reveals such strong stylistic features associated with Bian's style that it deserves consideration here. Both the theme and composition of Si-xi tu are similar to those of the Cleveland painting. As in the Cleveland work, the four magpies are the major birds, but the smaller birds are reduced greatly in number and species. Also, “the three friends of winter” in the Cleveland work are now replaced by plum blossoms, bamboo and camelia. A particularly striking similarity is found between the magpie at the bottom of Si-xi and that of the Cleveland scroll, but a closer inspection reveals that the similarity is limited to the formal structure and poses of the bird. The brushwork of detailed textures of the features and the overall expression of the bird are not the same. Bian's characteristics are also found in the smaller birds, which are especially comparable to those in his 1413 San-you and Mei-zhu shuang-he (Two Cranes with Bamboo and Plum Blossoms). The bamboo, plum blossoms and camelia can also be compared with those in Bian's Xue-mei shua-ng-he (Two Cranes with Snowy Prunus) and Mei-zhu shuang-he. Therefore this work is probably -painted by a follower of Bian.A group of Bian's extant works are devoted to the depiction of his favourite bird, the crane. The tradition of this theme can be traced to Huang Quan, who, in 944, painted the famous “Six Cranes” on the walls of the imperial palace of the Shu State. Even though none of the original works of Huang survive today, a replica of Emperor Hui-zong's copy of this work of Huang can still provide us with some idea of this tradition. Bian's Zhu-he shuang-qing, a collaborative work with Wang Fu, which can be dated to the two years of 1414 and 1415, is the earliest datable work on this subject. The two cranes depicted here by Bian indicate clearly a close relationship with Huang's prototype both their poses and style of painting. Yet Bian's ingenuity and his further development of this theme is better seen. in four other works of this subject: Mei-zhu shuang-he, Xue-mei shuang-he, Shuang-he tu (Two Cranes) and Zhu-he tu (Cranes and Bamboo). In all four paintings, one finds the enlarged cranes to be the principal forms against a minimum background of bamboo or plum blossoms. This device of arbitrarily enlarging and focusing on a certain theme and reducing the landscape elements to a framing background is typical of the early Ming, as often seen in Wang Fu's ink bamboo handscrolls, where the exaggerated ink bamboo was placed in a changing riverbank setting. Also marking Bian's further departure from the earlier tradition of this theme, is his stronger interest in creating the decorative effect produced by the complementary poses, as well as the contrasting colours and textures of the birds' features. Among the four paintings of cranes, Xue-mei shuang-he is the only one that Bian signed himself as a dai-zhao (painter-in-attendance). Although it is still not clear whether this title refers to the Wu-ying-dian dai-zhao or Jin-shen-dian dai- zhao, it is possible to place the work in the later stage of Bian's career, since both these dai-zhao titles were offered to him at that time. Judging from the common characteristics shared by Xue-mei shuang-he and Mei-zhu shuang-he, both were probably painted around the same time. The bold and further simplified designs found in Zhu-he tu and Shuang-he tu jam demonstrate how Bian had finally succeeded in for- ming a new decorative style of his own with this theme.What Bian achieved in his crane paintings can be also seen in the late works of his other subjects. One that best represents Bian's mature style is his Bo-ying tu (Eagle on an Oak Tree). This work in the Hashimoto collection is a large hanging scroll painted with both colour and ink on silk. A fierce-looking eagle, perched on an oak branch, dominates. the upper half of the painting. The solid forms of the large bird are carefully balanced by the two layers of rocks on the lower right, a lower branch of the oak and some bamboo leaves on the right. Half hidden behind the bottom rock lies a dead pheasant.The depiction of an eagle with its prey is a typical theme in the Song dynasty, as seen in the hanging scroll, Hawk Stalking a Pheasant by Zhao Zi-hou. Yet in spite of the common motifs, a great deal has changed in the depiction of this theme, as is shown in Bian's work. In the Song paintings, interest focuses on the eagle's natural habitat and activity. Although, the landscape in Zhao's work is presented in a frontal view, that the hawk's attention is on the pheasant below is portrayed here by the tense twisting of the former's neck and its keen vision toward its victim. This relationship is further enhanced by the S-curved tree trunk, creating a constant movement between the two. In Bian's work however, the greatly enlarged eagle, framed by cut branches of the oak and bamboo leaves, becomes the main focus. The composition is further compressed so that all motifs appear as stacked surface patterns. Although there is still the suggested relationship between the eagle and the pheasant below, the emphasis is no longer on the tension between the two, but on the eagle as the symbol of strength and courage. This stress on the symbolic significance of the eagle theme is clearly related to the new developments in flower-and-bird painting of the Yuan era. For instance, on Wang Yuan's Ying-zhu hua-mei (A Hawk Chasing a Thrush), the inscriptions written by four 14th century scholars all referred to the eagle as a hu-ying or a barbarian bird and the thrush as the jun-qin or the talented bird, which was smart enough to escape the attack. The implied message here that wise Chinese scholars should be cautious and avoid serving the Mongolian government was especially explicit in the second inscription by Du Yun-cheng. It is interesting to note that this image of the eagle as a vicious bird of prey is easily reversed in other eagle paintings of the same period. In Zhang Shun-zi's Wu-zhu cang-ying (Eagle with Fermiana and Bamboo), he portrayed an eagle perched on the tallest branch of a fermiana tree. There is no longer any depiction of the tense moment of an eagle chasing its prey, instead, the bird appears to be enjoying the solitude and peace which surround him. The reduced size of the eagle, the setting of the symbolic plants of bamboo and fermiana tree, all lay stress on the bird's lofty and untrammelled spirit, the same spirit that was often attributed to an ideal Yuan scholar. Zhang's poem inscription evokes the same image of a lofty eagle, that despises the regular eagles (fan-ying), that had only appetite for the flesh of their prey. Related to Zhang's work is an anonymous eagle painting in the Palace Museum in Taipei. It has been considered a Song work. Yet both the style of painting and the five early Ming inscriptions indicate that it is more likely a 14th century work. Here, a large eagle is perched on a cypress branch. Although its prey is not visible, all the inscriptions refer to the eagle as a courageous guard against sly foxes or tricky rabbits. In one poem, the eagle was compared to a righteous Yu-shi (Censor), whose duty was to maintain disciplinary surveillance over corrupt officials. The Cypress, with an overhanging branch above the eagle and a forked one on which the bird perches, resembles the similar structure of the juniper in Ying-kuai tu (An Eagle on a Juniper Tree), a collaborative work by Zhang Shun- zi and Xue-jie. Yet the enlarged eagle and the decorative arrangement of the cypress branches reveal the characteristic features of the 14th century.

Bian's painting had also won the approval of many scholar officials in court, including Yang Rong, Zhang Ning, Lin Huan, and Xie Jin. This reflects the unique political background of the Yong-le era, when the Grand Secretaries gained political power and acted as artistic patrons in court. Under such patronage, Bian produced a collaborative work with the scholar painter, Wang Fu, who served as a Zhong-shu she-ren (Secretariat Drafter) and was also under the supervision of Huang. Unfortunately, the patronage of Huang and other scholar officials for the Yong-le court painters did not last long. They were soon replaced by the eunuchs at the end of the Yong-le era. Huang Huai suffered a severe blow to his career in 1413, when he was charged with misconduct and jailed for ten years. In 1414, one year after Huang left the court, Guo Chun, the first court painter recommended by Huang was transferred to the eunuch controlled Yu-yong-jian (Directorate (Directorate for Imperial for Imperial Accoutre- ments). This changed dramatically the court painters' status. Bian must have also been affected by the change. In fact, it may not be coincidental that Bian's career ended in 1427, when the eunuchs gained total control of the court painters. The disgraceful ending of Bian's career may also have contributed to the lack of information about Bian's biography and the underestimation of his painting.Although mainly known as a flower-and-bird painter, Bian also painted horses, cats, architecture and landscape; as the first, Bian was considered the last great painter in the Song flower-and-bird tradition. Indeed, compared with the Yuan masters of this subject, Bian superseded them in the technical disciplines of a wide variety of specialized subjects and thus linked his style closer to the Song or earlier traditions, so it is not surprising that many of Bian's works were often intentionally or mistakenly attributed to Song masters. In general, Bian's success lies in his ability to combine the revived Song tradition of flower-and-bird with the late Yuan trend of the Min-Zhe region and thus enormously extend the pictorial scope of this subject. At the same time, Bian continued to develop increasingly complex and decorative representational techniques. His achievement was carried on by the following generations of flower-and-bird painters at court: Lin Liang, Lu Ji and Yin Hong Although each pursued a different aspect of Bian's styles, they reflected the same decorative trend he initiated.One of Bian's favourite themes is various birds against the background of the “three friends of winter” (Pine, Bamboo and Plum blossom). This apparently relates to the Yuan tradition which favours depiction of such themes, as seen in many works by Wang Yuan (ca. 1280-1349). Yet Bian's themes often carried even richer symbolic or moral meanings when the symbolic plants were combined with symbolic birds, such as cranes, eagles, wagtails and magpies. While magpies as auspicious signs and cranes as the symbol of immortality were long established themes in the past, paintings of wagtails symbolizing brotherly love between friends, or eagles symbolizing the courage of a military official or censor were themes made more popular by Bian, since he frequently depicted such themes and presented them to his friends with such specific references.Bian's earliest dated extant work is San-you bai gin (The “Three Friends” and a Hundred Birds) in the National Palace Museum, Taipei. According to Bian's inscription, it was painted in 1413 at Chang-an guan-she (the official residence of Chang-an), which the writer believes was located in Beijing. The painting shows ninety birds surrounded by the “three friends of winter”. Here, Bian placed the “three friends” on the left side and then balanced the composition by arranging the larger and darker birds on the right. The numerous birds, with great varieties of species and poses, are skilfully arranged so that they do not appear crowded. Each bird was vividly depicted with painstakingly fine brush strokes and subtle shades of colour washes. The technique demonstrates Bian's discipline in the tradition of Huang Quan. All landscape elements are painted in a sketchy and linear manner. While the bamboo and plum blossoms can be traced to the Yuan tradition of Zhao Meng-fu and Wang Yuan, the axe-cut texture strokes indicate influences of the Southern Song tradition. Both traditions had a strong hold in the Min-Zhe region in the 14th century. The successful integration of the Song and Yuan traditions and the calculated placement of the forms in a decorative manner formed the typical style of Bian.Another painting on the same theme as San-you bai-qin is Bai-xi-tu (Hundreds of Birds), which belongs to the same museum collection. The inscription attributed to Bian dated 1427. The composition is only a variant of the 1413 painting, but compared with San-you of 1413, both the painting and the inscription are in inferior quality. Bai-xi showed the tendency to compress further the various motifs into surface patterns. Furthermore, the lively individual expressions of the different birds, seen in the 1413 work, are lost here. The lack of vigour and variation in brushwork indicates that it is probably a later copy.

« Oriental Art » Vol. 38 no. 3, 1992 FallBIAN WEN-JIN AND HIS FLOWER AND BIRD PAINTINGHou-mei SungFlower-and-bird painting was of great importance in the Ming dynasty. Renewed interest in this subject in the early Ming period had set many new trends for the following decades. Bian Wen-jin was the first great master of this art and his discipline in the traditions of Huang Quan and the Song masters and his success in combining these traditions with the late Yuan dynasty Min-Zhe (Fujian and Zhejiang) regional style, had set a new trend in the Ming court. Furthermore, as a member of the first generation of Ming court painters, Bian was a crucial figure for our understanding of the status of the early Ming court painters and their organization. Thus, this paper will focus on Bian Wen-jin and his painting activities from the Yong-le (1403-1424), to the Xuan-de (1426-1434) era.
As with most early Ming painters, little is known of Bian's biography. Bian Wen-jin (zi: jing-zhao) was a painter of Sha-xian, Fujian. Yet his family must have come from Long-xi, Gansu, because Bian often signed his works as a native of Long-xi. He was also remembered as a man with a good education who could write poems. There is a good deal of uncertainty surrounding his dates and titles when he served in the court. Most of his biographical sources, including Ming-hua-lu. Wu-sheng-shi-shi, Min-shu, and Yan-ping fu-zhit recorded that Bian entered the court in the Xuan-de reign and received the title of Wu-ying-dian dai-zhao. Yet through evidence provided by other sources and some surviving paintings, it is clear that Bian first served in the court in the early Yong-le era. This is documented by the recorded San-you-xue-he tu (The "Three Friends" and Cranes), painted in 1410 (the eighth year of Yong-le). Bian inscribed on this painting that it was painted in the official residence of Jin-ling (Nanjing). Two extant works are also datable to the Yong-le era, when Bian was attending the imperial trip to Beijing. They are: San-you-Bai-qin (The "Three Friends" and a Hundred Birds) of 1413 and Zhu-he-shuang-qing (Bamboo and Cranes), a collaborative work with Wang Fu (1362-1416), which can be considered as painted between 1414 and 1415, based on Wang Fu's dates and biography.
In fact, Bian's career as a court painter ended in the first year of the Xuan-de era. According to Xuan-de shih-lu (The Veritable Records of the Xuan- de Reign), at the end of the first year of this era (January 1427), Bian was stripped of his official title, Wu-ying-dian dai-zhao and made a commoner for having accepted bribes in recommending two of his friends to the court. The title, Wu-ying-dian dai-zhao, was recorded in most of Bian's biographies. Yet none of them mentioned Bian's status in the early stage of his career. The first indication that Bian had a different earlier title was found by the writer in Sha-xian-zhi of the Dao-guang era (1821-1850). According to this late Qing dynasty. gazetteer, Bian was summoned to the court in the Xuan-de era to serve in the Wen-si-yuan (Crafts Institute) and received the title of Jin-shen-dian dai-zhao. This information obviously contains some error, because, as mentioned earlier, Bian was confirmed as serving as Wu-ying-dian dai-zhao in the early Xuan-de era until he was stripped of this title on 10th January 1427. Fortunately, the puzzling problem was solved with the discovery of some new information found by the writer in an earlier version of the same gazetteer, Sha-xian-zhi of the Jia-jing era (1522-1566). According to this Ming dynasty gazet- teer, Bian first entered the court in the Yong-le era and was offered a position in the Wen-si-yuan. The title, Jin-shen-dian dai-zhao was not mentioned in the Ming version of Sha-xian-zhi, and therefore could be a title offered to Bian either at the same time of the Wen-si-yuan assignment or later in the Hong-xi era (1424-1425). Yet judging from the fact the Guo Chun, the first court painter recruited in the Yong-le era, was not given an official title as Xi-hua dai-zhao until 1424, the beginning of the Hong-xi reign, it is more likely that Bian also received his Jin-shen-dian dai-zhao around the same time. In this case, Bian's last title, Wu-ying-dian dai-zhao, would be a title offered to him at the beginning of the Xuan-de era. Information concerning Bian's career as a court painter is extremely significant, because it provides crucial information concerning the early organization and status of the Ming court painters before the Painting Academy was officially formed.Bian's dates can be estimated as approximately between 1356 and 1428. This is based on the fact that Bian was over seventy when he was left the court in 1427. An extant painting in Japan, An-le deng-feng (Peace and Prosperity), dated 1428, provides us with the latest date known of Bian's activities. During Bian's service in the Yong-le court, his talent and skill were fully recognized. In fact, Bian's depiction of plumage, together with the human figures of Jiang Zi-cheng and the tigers of Zhao Lian, were known as the three wonders of the Yong-le court. Bian owed his success partly to the support of the Grand Secretary, Huang Huai. Most of the Yong-le court painters were recruited by Huang Huai, who was ordered by the emperor to supervise the establishment of the Ming Painting Academy in the early Yong-le era. Two of Bian's contemporaries, Xie Huan and Guo Chun, both court painters from Huang's home town of Yong-jia, entered the court through the Grand Secretary's recommendation. Bian's close association with Huang was also reflected in the farewell poem Huang wrote for Bian on his retirement. Although the Painting Academy was postponed because of the emperor's campaign. to the North, the painters recruited by Huang stayed and played an important role in the formation of the Painting Academy.

追求幸福，期盼周遭的人與事物都能趨吉避凶，朝向美好正向的發展，是從古迄今大家共同追求的目標。這種祈求吉祥、期盼圓滿至福的心願，深深地融入全世界各民族或族群的日常生活文化中，用不同信仰或吉祥圖騰具體呈現、各自表述心中願望。這些文化現象包括大家耳熟能詳的吉祥宗教神祇信仰。尤其是馳騁於大草原或高原自然環境的蒙藏族群更是以此為重要的精神依歸，從遠古時期他們逐水草而居，漂泊不定的艱鉅生活，認命又努力的天性，宗教成為最直接的心靈傾訴與實現願望的最大力量，尤其是各式財神信仰及蘊含吉祥寓意的文物，長期發展成為藏傳佛教完整而獨特的生活藝術之美。為了迎接新的一年，文化部蒙藏文化中心特別策辦《好運連連─財神與蒙藏生活藝術之美》特展，以介紹招財祈福的各式財神及蒙藏吉祥文化為主軸，透過文物深刻感受文化藝術具有穩定精神心靈的強大力量，並欣賞不同族群的文化藝術特色。展覽包括五大單元，從迎接「藏傳佛教各式財神」、普及於蒙藏族群日常生活的「錫祥文物」、展現歡樂佳節氣氛的「蒙古迎新年生活實景」、耀眼奪目且嚮往幸運吉祥象徵的「蒙藏衣服配飾」以及融合傳統文化底蘊與現代創作的「當代藝術與吉祥意涵」，展出將近300件具有吉祥美好意涵的作品，展現傳統與現代兼容並存的特色與和諧美感，並結合數位技術打造沉浸式體驗，提供觀眾虛擬換裝蒙藏服飾，穿越時空華麗變身，呼應藝術超越時空的對話和能量。此次展覽引領觀眾更加認識蒙藏族群豐富多元又獨特美麗的吉祥文物，同時啟發反思探索存在我們生活周遭的吉祥文化，並尊重不同的宗教信仰。謹以展覽主題「好運連連」之名，衷心祝福文化藝術傳遞良善的正能量，如同蒙藏文化中的「吉祥結」開啟無限延伸，無限祝福，「好運連連」因此串連起所有人彼此的好運，歡喜迎接新的一年來到。(文字來源)蒙古櫃供桌蒙古櫃法器箱財寶天王財寶天王

歷代佛教藝術中，千百年來以累積無數經典之作，其中書法因其在日常生活中的實用性與可讀性，可說是最為大眾所熟知的佛教藝術。而歷代高僧大詩留下的珍貴墨跡，成為書法史上自成一格的特色。本展《善事吉照─高僧書畫展》，以藏傳佛教高僧第七世章嘉大師的梵藏文書法為基礎，並與收藏書法聞名的財團法人何創時書法藝術基金會合辦，同時向國立歷史博物館、財團法人法鼓山佛教基金會及私人收藏家等單位借展，展出約80件書畫及文物作品，以「明代高僧的書畫影響」、「明末清初高僧大師的書畫墨寶」、「民國以醬具代表性高僧大師」及「章嘉大師與台灣高僧」四大主題呈現，帶領觀者欣賞不同時代高僧書畫藝術風格，呈現台灣民主自由社會下，多元族群文化的璀璨發展。本展作品從16世寄開始以至台灣當代影響社會深遠的高僧大師的書畫作品，橫跨將近500年的時間軸，形成各時期高僧大師跨越時空，彼此透過藝術進行一場多重宇宙的對談。「明代高僧書畫影響」，展出雲棲祩宏、憨山德清、雪嶠圓信、蕅益智旭四位高僧的書畫，呈現他們對明末以降書畫發展的深遠影響；「明末清初高僧大師的書畫墨寶」，展出清初四畫僧─原濟石濤、八大山人、髡殘石谿、弘仁漸江等人的珍貴作品，敘述時代的動盪不安，以禪入畫，將家國破滅的傷愁，化為幻化超脫筆底煙雲，獨特鮮明的風格饒富藝術內涵；「民國以醬具代表性高僧大師」，展出弘一法師、印順導師、星雲大師、證嚴上人、聖嚴法師及惟覺老和尚等人的墨寶，他們提倡「人間佛教」的思想，對現今台灣社會的和諧安定有正面影響；「章嘉大師與台灣高僧」，則以章嘉大師環島弘法期間曾與印順導師、大醒法師、南亭法師、妙果老和尚等合作推展佛教事業，這些大師作品也在本次展出，十分殊勝難得。本展希望觀者瞭解作品背景知識的同時，也能閱覽高僧生平故事。特別當這些書畫呈現於面前時，亦能體會到高僧即使身處動盪時代，堅持弘法內修的精神。更重要的是，不論是藏傳還是漢傳之高僧精神，於觀覽的同時，向高僧們頂禮，表達最崇高的敬意。(文字來源)